Yup'ik clothing

Kusquqvagmiut (Kuskokwim Yup'ik) man and woman wearing hoodless fancy fur parkas (atkupiak). circa 1879[1]
Nunivaarmiut (Nunivak Cup'ig) mother and child (Joe Moses) wearing hooded simple fur parkas (atkuuk), photograph by Edward Curtis, 1930

Yup'ik clothing (Yup'ik aturaq sg aturak dual aturat pl, aklu, akluq, un’u ; also, piluguk in Unaliq-Pastuliq dialect, aklu, cangssagar, un’u in Nunivak dialect) refers to the traditional Eskimo style clothes worn by the Yup'ik people of southwestern Alaska. Also known as Cup'ik clothing for the Chevak Cup'ik dialect speaking Eskimos of Chevak and Cup'ig clothing for the Nunivak Cup'ig dialect speaking Eskimos of Nunivak Island. The traditional clothing system developed and used by the Eskimo peoples is the most effective cold weather clothing developed to date. Yup'ik women made clothes and footwear from animal skins (especially hide and fur of marine and land mammals for fur clothing, sometimes birds, also fish), sewn together using needles made from animal bones, walrus ivory, and bird bones such as front part of a crane's foot and threads made from other animal products, such as sinew. The multi-functional ulu (semilunar woman's knife) is used to process and cut skins for clothing and footwear. Women made most clothing of caribou (wild caribou Rangifer tarandus granti and domestic reindeer Rangifer tarandus tarandus) and sealskin. Yup’ik clothing tended to fit relatively loosely.

Wastefulness being disrespectful, Yup'ik elders made use of every last scrap from hunts and harvests: seal guts, skins of salmon fish, dried grasses such as Leymus mollis (coarse seashore grass). Traditionally, skins of birds, fish, and marine mammals such as seal and walrus, and land mammals were used to make clothing. Hunting clothes were designed to be insulated and waterproof. Fish skin and marine mammal intestines (guts) were used for waterproof shells (as gut parka) and boots. Dried grass was used to make insulating socks, and as a waterproof thread.

In the Yup'ik culture, parkas are much more than necessary tools for survival in the cold climate of Alaska; they are also pieces of art that tell stories about the past. Many story knife (yaaruin) stories of the storytelling dictated the story of the traditional Yup'ik clothing, such as atkupiaq or fancy parka.

The Russian fur traders or promyshlennikis of the Russian-American Company during the Russian America encouraged the Eskimos to adopt Western-style dress in order to release more furs for trading.

The English word kuspuk adapted from the Yup'ik word qaspeq (a lightweight parka cover or overshirt worn by both Yup'ik and Iñupiaq Alaskan Eskimo women and men). Also, the word mukluk (Eskimo boot, a soft knee-high boot of seal or caribou skin) which is derived from the Yup'ik word maklak meaning bearded seal (Erignathus barbatus). That the word maklak has been borrowed into English as mukluk as the name for Eskimo skin boots (kamguk, kameksak, piluguk, etc., in Yup’ik), probably because bearded-seal skin is used for the soles of skin boots.[2] The village of Kotlik derives its Yup’ik name Qerrulliik (dual form of qerrullik "a pair of pants, trousers"), from its location, where the Yukon River splits apart nearby like the legs on a pair of trousers.

“ Kass’artarnek aturanek sap’akinek-llu atulang’ermeng cali Yupiit nutem atutukaitnek aturaqluteng, . . .
"Even though they do wear Euro-American clothing and footwear, they still use original Yup’ik clothing, . . ."		 ”
— Qipnermiut Tegganrita Egmirtellrit (The Legacy of the Kipnuk Elders) 1998, [2]

Eskimo clothing

Both Yup'ik (and Siberian Yupik) and Iñupiaq clothing are also known as Eskimo clothing in Alaska.

Eskimos are not usually tall but they have powerful legs and shoulders. Clothing details differs between northwestern Iñupiaq and southwestern Yup'ik Eskimo clothes. Also, among the Yup'ik regional or socioterritorial groups (their native names will generally be found ending in -miut postbase which signifies "inhabitants of ..."), like those of north Alaska, were differentiated by territory, speech patterns, clothing details, annual cycles, and ceremonial life.[3] Four basic designs are used for women's fancy parkas among the Yup'ik, with some regional variations, including one style adopted from Iñupiaq skin sewers.[4]

Native peoples have flourished in the extreme cold of the Arctic for millennia. Arctic people living throughout the circumpolar region have time-tested their caribou (or reindeer) skin clothing ensembles for 3000 to 8000 year. During that time, their clothing has evolved, so that today they are able to live comfortably within the region, in spite of the bitter weather.[5]

Bodywear

Parka

A Hooper Bay woman with hoodless parka in 1928 photograph by Edward S Curtis.
Nunivak Cup'ig boy, photograph by Edward Curtis, 1928
Nunivak Cup'ig child with snowshoe rabbit or tundra hare fur, or possibly a feathered bird skin parka, and wood knot-like beaded circular cap (uivqurraq), photograph by Edward Curtis, 1930

Parka (atkuk sg atkuuk dual atkuut pl in Yukon-Kuskokwim, Bristol Bay and Hooper Bay-Chevak dialects, atekuk in Unaliq-Pastuliq dialect, atkug in Nunivak dialect) is the most common Yup'ik clothing. Parkas were made from a wide variety of materials including reindeer, squirrel, muskrat, bird, and fish skins, as well as intestines. Yup'ik men from the Yukon Kuskokwim area wore knee-length (or longer) hooded parkas with straight hemlines. Women wore slightly shorter parkas with U-shaped front and back flaps.[6]

The researchers had previously shown that there were differences in parka design between Akulmiut (in the present-day tundra villagers of Nunapitchuk, Kasigluk, and Atmautluak), the coast (Caninermiut), lower Kuskokwim (Kusquqvagmiut) and lower Yukon (Pastulirmiut, Kuigpagmiut) river areas, and natives could identify villages that shared a design. The Akulmiut woman's parka typically featured a design along the bodice or culuksugun (also known as culuksuk; hanging decoration on a parka; spine, backbone) or qemirrlugun (piece of calfskin in the middle of a traditional Yup’ik parka with three tassels hanging from it, often having a “drawn bow and arrow” or a fish-tail design stitched on it; smaller plate below the large front and back plates on parka) which represented the tail of an Alaska blackfish (Dallia pectoralis). Occasionally the blackfish tail design in the early part of the 20th century was seen on women's parkas of the Nelson Island people (Qaluyaarmiut) and lower Kuskokwim but were never seen, as one elder woman reported, for example, on parkas of Hooper Bay (Naparyaarmiut) or Chevak (Qissunarmiut) women.

Another Akulmiut design, less commonly used, was the "bow and arrow" design. The parkas of lower Kuskokwim women were also distinguished by the use of the "pretend drums" (cauyaryuak) design across the bust or the qaliq part of the parka.[3] Men's parkas were distinguished as well by the pattern but did not have the decoration detail of the women's parkas.[3]

Women’s parkas in the Yukon River area were longer than men's, with rounded hems and side splits that reached almost to the waist. Farther south along the Kuskokwim River, parkas of both sexes extended to the ankles and were usually hoodless, requiring that a separate fur cap or hood be worn. Kuskokwim styles of parka decoration were far more elaborate.[7]

A characteristic feature of Yup'ik parkas was elaboration of the ruff on the hood framing the face, on the cuffs, and, in recent times, the border around the bottom of the garment.[8]

Sleeve (aliq sg aliik dual aliit pl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, amraq in Egegik Yup'ik, alir in Cup'ig) is the part of a garment that covers the arm.

Parka roof (negiliq, atkuum negilia, asguruaq in Yup'ik, legiliq, ayguruaq in Cup'ik, amraq in Egegik Yup'ik;, ulganaqin Cup'ig, but negili in Cup'ig, as means "edge of hood where ruff is attached; edge of kuspuk hood; halo around the sun") is parka's roof, but not Western style ruff collar. The kumegneq is parka ruff edging near the face. Yup'iks use wolverine skins for parka ruffs.

A modern fancy parka (atkupiaq) with trim at hem (akurun). Fur market in Fairbanks, between 1980 and 1983

Fancy parka (atkupiaq sg atkupiak dual atkupiat pl, literally "real parka, genuine parka") is a fur parka made of ground squirrel, muskrat or mink pelts with traditional fancy decorations (such as one style that has a band across the chest area and eight tassels hanging front and back). The tassels, it is said, represent fingers. Among the Yup'ik, traditional style women's parkas are still made and worn on festive occasions. Men's fancy parkas are no longer made, although a few elders still recall their forms and decoration.[4] The atkupiaq is the most popular type of woman's parka among the Yup'ik living along the Kuskokwim River and in the Kuskokwim Bay area. This parka is very long by comparison with Canadian Inuit parkas, with an even lower edge. The border is decorated with a geometric design of black and white pieces of calfskin. On older parkas, the border was lined with a band of calfskin with fine decorative stitching, symbolizing footprints on snow. The hood with its beautiful ruff is much smaller than on a Canadian Inuit woman's amauti, and there is no pouch for carrying a baby.[9] Some elements (certain stitches, tassels, specific strips of fur, beads and shapes of hide) on a parka represent specific parts of an historic story.[10] Fancy parka a very important component of Yup'ik culture. An atkupiaq is a signifier that tells a story to Yup'ik wievers, much like the robes worn by Alaska Natives of the Northwest Coast (as Eyak, Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian).[4] Traditional Yup'ik oral stories (qulirat and qanemcit) were embedded in many social functions of the society. Storyknifing (yaaruilta literally "let's go story knife!") stories a traditional and still common activity of young girls and are told by children of all ages in Yup’ik-speaking Eskimo villages in Alaska. These stories are illustrated by figures sketched on mud or snow with a ceremonial knife, known as story knife or story telling knife (yaaruin sg yaaruitek dual yaaruitet pl in Yup'ik, saaruin in Yukon dialect).[2] Stories were told through the use of the yaaruin, the story knife by the women and young girls and most importantly stories were found within the traditionally Yup’ik clothing. The women had to pass this knowledge on to their daughters so that the clothes would reveal the correct story of the family and the men had to recognize these stories on the clothing.[11] In the past, dressing in fine fancy clothing was reserved for ceremonial events like festivals in the qasgiq, when animals and spirits (yua) were honored.[4] The tradition of the fancy parka continues there today.[7]

Ilairutaq or Yukon-style parka (ilairutaq in Yup'ik) is a type of traditional Yup’ik parka of a design said to be borrowed from the northern Malimiut Inupiaq people via the Yukon area.[2]

Qulitaq or Kuskokwim-style parka (qulitaq in Yup'ik) is a type of traditional Yup’ik parka with two pieces of calfskin on the back (called by the same name as the parka design), and two calfskin pieces on the chest (called cauyak) worn in the coastal (Canineq?) areas.[2]

Qaliq or tundra (Akula)-style parka (qaliq in Yup'ik) is a type of traditional Yup’ik fancy parka worn by Qaluyaarmiut (Nelson Island Yup'iks) and Akulmiut (tundra-area Yup'iks) that has large front and back plates of white calfskin or of mink skin, also the plates of calfskin.[2][12][13] But, the Chevak Cup'ik meaning is seal-gut rain parka used with a kayak.[2]

Qaliluk (qaliluk sg qaliluuk dual qaliluut pl in Yup'ik, qalilurrlugar in Cup'ig) is man’s hoodless caribou-skin or reindeer-skin parka.[12]

Squirrel-skin parka (uulungiiq in Yup'ik) is a parka decorated with a fringe of squirrel bellies (uulungak).[2][14]

Other Nunivaarmiut Cup'ig parkas are, kinguqaleg (woman's fur parka cut high on the sides so that there are front and back flaps), qatrin (white camouflaged parka), qutngug (sealskin parka), and ellangrat (parka made of strips of bleached sealskin and gut or fishskin) or langrat (vertical design or designs made from fish skin on a parka).[15]

Kuspuk worn by Eskimo woman and girl ice fishing.

Parka cover or Kuspuk (qaspeq in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, qasper in Cup'ig) is a traditional Yup'ik garment, worn in both casual and formal settings in Alaska. It is worn by both men and women, but men usually wear a kuspuk only for ceremonial such as Eskimo dancing (yuraq) or formal occasions, while for women it is common casual clothing, even among non-Yup'iks. The kuspuk is, in essence, a long-sleeved overshirt with a hood. Trim, often rickrack, edges the hood, sleeves, and the single large pocket in the front. A typical kuspuk for women has a print (usually floral), whereas a man's is a solid color. Female versions also may include a skirt of varying length (making the garment more technically a dress rather than a top), or may have no skirt at all. Traditional Yup'ik style kuspuks vary widely among villages. Colloquially, the skirted version is called Kuskokwim style kuspuk, while the skirtless type is called Yukon style kuspuk. The name of a school district (Kuspuk School District[16] offices are located in Aniak) is derived from kuspuk.

Yupik Eskimo gut parka kamleika (kamliikaq). Exhibit in the Arvid Adolf Etholén collection, Museum of Cultures (Kulttuurien museo) of National Museum of Finland, Helsinki, Finland.[17]

Gut parka or gutskin parka, gut rain parka, seal-gut raincoat (imarnin sg imarnitek dual imarnitet pl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, imarniteg dual in Cup'ig) is a hooded waterproof gut raincoat made from seal intestines (gut) of a single bearded seal, with a wide hem made to fit snugly over the kayak's cockpit coaming were ideal outer garments for wet weather and ocean travel in the kayak.[18] Gut parkas are constructed using the intestines of sea mammals or bear and are worn in kayaks, tide pool collecting, dance and celebration. Embellishment of Yup'ik gut parkas used wolverine, bear, wolf, musk ox, dog hair, human hair, cormorant and murre feathers, eagle down, auklet feather and mandibles.[19] Blown gut requires only a short time to dry, but environmental conditions will alter dramatically the color and flexibility of the final product. Gut will become opaque and white when prepared in the most extreme conditions of cold, darkness and wind and this product is often referred to as "winter gut", and by some by the inaccurate term "bleached". The more yellow, non-flexible gut is prepared in less severe weather conditions and is called "summer gut".[19] The gut parka (raincoat) was and still is the most effective against wet weather, and was once prized by the Russian occupants as overall the best protection against the elements.[19] The Russians called traditional Aleut gut parkas kamleikas (this word has been borrowed into Yup'ik as kamliikaq from Russian [2]) and that word has been used as a general word for any gut parka.[19]

Fish skin parka (qasperrluk in Yup'ik; derived from qaspeq "parka cover kuspuk" and the postbase -rrluk "N that has departed from its natural state (often, though not always, with an undesirable connotation)", amirag in Cup'ig) is a kind of fish-skin clothing (amiragglugaq) also that could serve as a tent.[2][20] Fish skin parkas in the past were worn by both men and women when hunting and traveling. In winter they were worn over a fur parka just as cloth covers have been in more recent times.[8] A Yukon fish skin parka made of dog salmon (Oncorhynchus keta) skin.[21] Nunivaarmiut men wore parkas made of silver salmon (Oncorhynchus kisutch) skin, while those of women were made of salmon trout (charr) (Salvelinus malma) skin and often had a white fox ruff on the hood.[8] The Nunivaarmiut Cup'ig did not prepare their own fish skins for parkas, but bought them, already prepared, from Yup'ik people on the Yukon and Kuskokwim rivers. These imported skins had been stretched, smoke-dried, and scaled.[8]

Bird skin parka (tamacenaq in Yup'ik) made from skins of birds of the Alcidae, Anatidae, Gaviidae, and Laridae families. Bird skins make very good and warm parkas. Thick bird skin parkas were ideal winter wear but were also used during cold weather in summer.[22] Yupik (Yup'ik, Siberian Yupik, Sugpiaq ~ Alutiiq) and Inuit (Inupiaq) Eskimo seamstresses had regional variations in bird skin preparation techniques and bird skin parka styles and bird skin clothing-production techniques.[23] Bird skin parkas are rarely made today and the skill is quickly disappearing among skin sewers in their region.[24] During the 19th century, many Yup'iks along the coast between the Yukon and Kuskokwim rivers wore bird skins. Every year, one could afford to make a bird skin parka because birds returned in such abundance. A plump Yup'ik baby trussed up in eider skin smiled from a warm, dry, cushioned world.[25]

Two Nunivak Cup'ig children wearing circular caps (uivqurraq) and duck-skin parkas (probably aarraangiarat) in 1928 photograph by Edward S Curtis.[26]

Nunivaarmiut Cup'ig bird skin and feather parkas are alpacurrlugar (murre skin and feather parka) made from Uria aalge skin with feathers, cigurat atkut (guillemot skin and feather parka) made from Cepphus columba skin with feathers, alpacurrlugar (auklet skin and feather parka) made from the white part of the Aethia cristatella skin with feathers, qilangar (puffin skin and feather parka) made from Fratercula corniculata skin with feathers, aarraangiarat (oldsquaw skin and feather parka) made from Clangula hyemalis skin with feathers, metrar (eider skin and feather parka) made from Somateria mollissima skin with feathers, tengaurtet (kittiwake skin and feather parka) made from Rissa tridactyla skin with feathers (used as camouflage for sliding over the ice to sneak up on game).[15] In the Nunivak, seabirds, particularly murres, nest in numbers, the natives paying annual visits to the nesting grounds to secure skins of puffins, murres and others for clothing.[27] The bird skins most commonly used for clothing were those of the cormorant (Phalacrocorax pelagicus), common or Pacific eider (Somateria mollissima), king eider (Somateria mollissima), Steller's eider (Polysticta stelleri), common murre (Uria aalge), horned puffin (Fratercula corniculata). Cormorant and eider were considered more valuable and gave more prestige to the owner. Bird skin parkas are light and comfortable to wear but tear easily. Such parkas were usually reversible, worn with the feathers next to the body in winter with a cloth garment over the parka to cover the rough, yet fragile, skin side. At night the parka was turned and slept in or used as a blanket with the feathers on the outside.[8] Bird skin parkas were shaped like those made of animal skin, but because of the great thickness of the feathers and the general bulk, they did not have fur strips, beading, and other decoration. Cuffs and bottom borders tended to be plain except on murre parkas.[8] Tufted puffin skins were counted and sold in "knots" or bundles of six. Thirty-four skins were necessary for a man's parka and 28 for a woman's.[8] The common puffin is smaller, so six knots and four extra skins were required for a man's parka, five knots and four extra for a woman's.[8] Puffins are found only along the cliffs near Nash Harbor, and residents of Mekoryuk had to trade for them with those living in the settlement there. Sufficient puffins for a parka could be obtained in exchange for one bearded seal skin.[8] Parkas made of cormorant skins were worn only by women. The skins of these birds are larger than those of murres and puffins.[8] When murre skins were prepared for parka use, they were roughly square in shape and included the breast and the sides. Two narrow black backs were sewn together to form the crown of the hood.[8]

Pants

Trousers or Pants (qerrulliik dual qerrulliit pl or ulruk dual [Bristol :Bay, Egegik] in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, qerrullig dual in Cup'ig) used from sealskin or fur. Traditionally, fur trousers are worn by men and women, although today more and more Yup'ik wear pants made of woven materials. The big pants (qerrulligpiik ~ qerrulviik or ulrurpiik dual in Yup'ik) and short pants (qerrulcuarag in Cup'ig, also means panties) are usable. Knee-length pants were worn under parkas.[6] The crotch of pants or body (amlek sg amelgek dual in Yup'ik).

The name of Kotlik village (is a federally recognized tribe and Pastulirmiut residents are Calista Corporation shareholders) derives its Yup’ik name Qerrulliik (dual form of qerrullik "a pair of pants, trousers"), from its location, where the Yukon River splits apart nearby like the legs on a pair of trousers.[28][29]

Summer pants (atasuak ~ atayuak dual in Yup'ik).

Trouser-boots (allirtet pl [Unaliq-Pastuliq] in Yup'ik) is pants with attached socks made of fur. Women wore trouser-boots, each one made from a single small harbor seal skin with the seam running down the front of the leg. Each boot, longer on the outer (hip) side, was tied to the belt. Very short trousers made from a single small sealskin were also worn. A man's sealskin pants required two skins, and was not hemmed at the bottom. At the top the skin was turned under and stitched. Braided sinew was run through the hem to serve as a belt. Narrow strips of sealskin were sewn on a man's pants at the waist in front and in the seam of a woman's trouser-boots as fringe or tassel decoration.[8]

Belt (nungirta ~ nungirun in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, nungirta in Cup'ig). Belts were held in place with a fastener.[8]

Headwear

The formation of the Eskimo Nebula is like Eskimo parka hood ruff with face.

Hood or Parka hood (nacaq, uqurrsuk in Yup'ik, nacar in Cup'ig) is a common hat on the parka. The Greenlandic Inuit (Kalaallit, Tunumiit, and Inughuit), the Canadian Inuit, and the Alaskan Iñupiat and Yup’ik usually wear a parka style which has an attached hood with a fur ruff to protect the face. These hoods are usually trimmed with an Arctic fox tail, or a broad strip of wolf or wolverine fur.[5] The tengqucuk is a tip of parka hood; the kak’acuk is a pompon on tip of parka hood or hat; the kakauyaq is a decoration at the crown of the hood of a young woman’s traditional Yup’ik parka that consists of strands of red, black, and, white beads or strips of calfskin; the menglairun is a strip of fur between the ruff and hood of a parka.[2] The formation of the Eskimo Nebula resembles a person's head surrounded by a parka hood. The emperor goose's Yup’ik name nacaullek literally means "one having a parka hood".

Separate hood (yuraryaraq in Yup'ik) used with hoodless parka. They used them for traveling when they wore parkas without hoods. These hoods are made of squirrel-skin [14] or strips of dyed fish skin.[20]

Nunivak Cup’ig man with fancy hat (nacarpig'ar men's dance hat; man's fancy cap with strips of fur hanging on shoulders) playing a very large drum (cauyar) in 1927 photograph by Edward S Curtis.

Hood ruff (negiliq in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, negili in Cup'ig) is not similar neck ruff. Both men's and women's parka hoods were finished with a large hood cover, known as "sunshine ruff" or "sunburst ruff" made from strips of wolverine and fox. The sunshine ruff is made to resemble the rays of the sun beaming from one's face. The ruff on a fancy parka was constructed of not merely one or two layers of fur but of three or four of different tints and thicknesses.[8] The yurturuaq ia a small dark piece of fur at the very top of light-colored garment hood ruff (said to represent a black bear sitting on a mountain of snow) or small light piece of fur on dark-colored garment hood ruff (said to represent a polar bear).[2]

Hooper Bay Askinarmiut boy poses wearing a circular cap (uivqurraq) and fur parka, in 1930 photograph by Edward S Curtis.[30]

Fancy hat (nacarpiaq in Yup'ik, literally "real hat", nacarpig'ar in Cup'ig) a Yup'ik men's ceremonial headdress (angutet nacait "men's hats") with strips of fur hanging on shoulders or a drummer's hood traditionally used for opening ceremonies and dances. The nacarpiaq is made from bird feet leather, glass and crystal beads, cultured pearls and the skins and furs of wild animals like the mink, land otter, wolf and wolverine. The Yup’ik use animal hide because they believe animals sacrifice themselves in order for the wearer of the garment to survive.[31] Nunivaarmiut Cup'ig men wore caps with many strips of fur hanging from the bottom edge over the neck and shoulders. The main body of these caps, worn at dances, was usually made of squirrel skins with a crown and borders of white reindeer fawn skin. Sometimes a wolverine tail was fastened on the back, and the long bottom fringe might be of reindeer skin strips.[8] Nunivaarmiut Cup'ig wolf head caps, which consisted of an entire head skin including ears and nose, were also worn at ceremonies. Edward S. Curtis (1930) mentions animal-head caps worn during the Messenger Feast.[8]

Circular cap or circular hat (uivqurraq or uivquq in Yup'ik) is cap of squirrel or other skin with wood knot-like (uivquq "knot in wood, a mark left in timber by the origin of branches") beaded decorative bands. People wore circular caps like this in regions south of the Yukon River, where parkas were made without hoods.[32]

Yup'ik dancer from Inu-Yupiaq dance group performing in a kuspuk, dance headdress (nasqurrun), and mukluk
A dance headdress (nasqurrun), 2009

Crown-like Dance headdress or dance hat (nasqurrun sg nasqurrutek dual nasqurrutet pl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, nasqerrun in Cup'ig; which is derived from the nasquq "head; the person who starts the Kevgiq") a beaded and wolf, wolverine, weasel, otter, ermine fur-ruffed, also bear clawed[12] or caribou-haired dance headdress used for Eskimo dancing. In coastal villages of the Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta, men who led ceremonial "asking songs" during Kevgiq (Messenger Feast), wore caribou-hair headdresses like this one. They directed the drumming and singing with feathered enirarautet (pointing sticks or dance sticks). Women wore similar headdresses, which remain a part of modern Yup’ik dance regalia for both sexes.[33] The nasqurrun used to be worn by men at some frequencies. But after Euro-American contact with Alaska, female-only use got codified, and that's pretty much the way it is now.

Knit cap-like Dance headdress or dance cap, dance hat (nacarrluk in Yup'ik, literally "bad hat") is a beaded headdress worn by young girls to keep their caarrluk (dust and scent) from injuring others. Girls always wore those beaded hats, even though they weren't dancing.[34]

Steambath cap or feather sweatbath cap, firebath hat (maqissuun in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, maqissun in Cup'ig) is a headgear worn in steambath (maqivik) or other gear used in sweatbath. While taking a sweat bath, men protected their heads with a crude cap of puffin, eider duck, or murre skins. The top of the cap was made from one whole skin split down the middle of the breast. The wings, with bones removed, were left on and stuck out at the sides. Half skins were sewn around each side.[8][22]

Yup'ik semi-conical bentwood hunting visor (elqiaq) with walrus ivory and feather decoration. Exhibit in the Arvid Adolf Etholén collection, Museum of Cultures (Kulttuurien museo) of National Museum of Finland, Helsinki, Finland.
Yup'ik semi-conical bentwood hunting visor (elqiaq) with walrus ivory and feather decoration. Ethnological Museum of Berlin.

Full-conical closed Hunting hat or bentwood hat, bentwood helmet, conical wooden hat, conical hat (ugtarcuun, ugtarcurcuun in Yup'ik; derived from ugtaq "seal on an ice floe or shore") is shaped like a pointed piece of ice bentwood hunting hat helped to conceal the seal hunter as he floated in a white kayak among the broken spring floes. A wooden hunting hat shaded a man’s eyes against waves, spray, and glare. This conical bentwood hats worn by men for when hunting seals amid floating sea ice during spring seal hunting and during the Bladder Festival (Nakaciuryaraq), when the souls of seals are returned to the sea.[35][36][37]

Semi-conical open Hunting hat or bentwood visor, wooden visor, hunting visor (elqiaq, ciayaq in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, elqiar, caguyag in Cup'ig, also caguyaq in Sugpiaq ~ Alutiiq, originally borrowed from Aleut ~ Unangan chagudax̂ (Eastern)[38] chaxudax̂ (Western) during the Russian America era) is semi-conical shaped bentwood men's hunting hat decorated with feathers or traditional wooden visor to protect the eyes from the sun’s glare, eyeshade. To make a visor a craftsman used hot water to soften the wood, then bent it around and stitched the ends together with sinew, baleen, or split root. Animal carvings were added as hunting charms. Feathers may have been added to assist the transformation of hunters into birds, as described in oral tradition.[35][39][40] The pugugyug (in Cup'ig) is design on caguyar, the legcicuar (in Cup'ig, literally "small gaff") is small gaff attached to caguyar.[15]

Nunivak Cup’ig wooden snow goggles, Nunivak Island, Alaska, first half of the 20th century, Honolulu Museum of Art.

Snow goggles (niguak ~ niiguak dual or nigaugek dual nigauget pl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, igguag in Cup'ig) is old-style snow goggles made out of wood with narrow slits, which admit only a little light.[35] Snow goggles were carved from driftwood (esp. spruce), walrus ivory, bone or caribou antler, and sometimes made with coarse seashore grass.[41] They always paint the inside of goggles black, so our eyes won’t be bothered by the glare and can stay wide open.[42] goggles were created in various styles by artists from different regions, and they often resembled animals underscoring a pervasive Native theme of human-animal transformation.[4] Some snow goggles are carved in the form of an animal mask. Arctic foxes have keen eyesight for hunting on the land and sea ice, a quality that the mask/goggles may have been intended to transfer to the person wearing them.[43] The goggles with narrow slits not only protect the eyes from excess light, but also sharpen and focus vision, like a pinhole camera.[44] Some goggles have large eye openings and are blackened with soot inside to eliminate reflections.[42] Snow goggles are an ancient element of Eskimo hunting cultures, appearing in archaeological sites up to 2000 years old.[44]

Handwear

Glove (aasgaaq, aisgaaq [Yukon], aigsaaq, aigyaaq, aiggsak [Kuskokwim], aggsak [Kuskokwim], aaggsak, aaggsaq, yuaralek in Yup'ik, agyaaq, aiygaaq in Cup'ik, asgar in Cup'ig) were usually made out of caribou or sealskin, sometimes made out of fish skin (especially Pacific salmon) or dried grass. Decorated ceremonial fancy glove is aiggaqtaaq or aaggaqtaaq.

waterproof fish-skin mitten (arilluk).

Mitten (aliiman, aliuman, aritvak, kauman in Yup'ik, aritvag in Cup'ig). Child's mitten of any sort is aritvacuar or aritvacuarar (in Cup'ig). Long waterproof dehaired sealskin or fish-skin (salmon-skin)[18] mitten is (arilluk sg arilluuk dual arilluut pl, arin in Yup'ik, arillugar in Cup'ig). Fish skin mittens with grass liners used for kayak travel during spring in bad weather.[41] Man's short skin mitten used when going on a kayak trip is arikarer (in Cup'ig).

People wore waterproof salmon-skin mittens to keep their hands dry while kayaking, driving a dog sled, or working with fish nets. Woven seashore grass liners went inside for warmth. To prepare the fish skins, they were first soaked in urine, scraped clean, and then hung outside to freeze-dry in cold weather. The last step was to scrape off the scales.[45]

Wrist-length mittens used to be commonly made of seal or caribou skin with the fur and the rough edge of the seam on the outside. Sealskin mittens were frequently made from leftover pieces of skin after boots were cut from them. The back and palm were separate pieces and the thumb one piece; gloves were unknown. Women wore fur mittens reaching nearly to the elbow with wolverine trim along the upper edge. Mittens of silver salmon skins which reached to the elbow were worn by men when hunting in a kayak in spring. The fish were cut down the back and the belly skins used for mittens. These sometimes were lined with grass or had grass mittens, woven all in one piece, inside; often they had a border of bleached sealskin. The combination of fish skin mittens with grass padding was less bulky for paddling than fur mittens. According to Curtis (1930, p. 11), mittens of dehaired sealskin that reached barely to the wrist were also worn by men in the spring.[8]

Footwear

Yup'ik footwear, especially Eskimo skinboots, known as mukluk, like other Eskimo groups, meets the challenge of weather, season, terrain and function with maximum efficiency, comfort and durability.

Sole of boot (alu ~ aluq sg aluk dual alut pl [also means sole of foot] in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, atungar in Cup'ig) is the bottom of a boot, in contact with the ground. The nat'raq (in Yup'ik, nateraq in Unaliq-Pastuliq dialect) a special oversole of skin boot used to prevent slipping on ice. Yup'ik soles are traditionally made of bearded seal skin which is usually chewed to make it moldable. The sealskin materials used for skinboot soles are nat'rarkaq (in Yup'ik) "sole material for skin boots, made from the tanned skin of the bearded seal", atungagkar (in Cup'ig) "sealskin material to be used for making bootsoles", arinacir(ar) (in Cup'ig) "aged sealskin used for skinboot soles or as a mat", meqcirer (in Cup'ig) "sealskin aged to remove hair and stretched on stakes over ground (hide is then used for making boot soles)".[2][15] Boot soles were occasionally cut from old kayak covers that had been made from bearded seal skins.[8] Siberian Yupik, Alaskan Yup'ik, and Iñupiaq boot soles are particularly thick, sometimes reaching a depth of five centimeters.[46]

Winter boots are made with depilated soles of bearded seal and leg sections of haired ringed or spotted seal. Decorative red yarn is worked into the sole seam around the toe and heel.[6] In the past, boots used for dancing were also used as winter boot. The leg section was made from young caibou-leg skins and the soles were made from depilated skin of bearded seal. Today many dances are held indoors, so some women make the soles of their dance boots with lighter-weight materials sucj as ringed seal. Moose-leg skins are used when they are available. Commercially tanned calfskin is used by contemporary seamstresses.[6]

Mukluks or Eskimo boots are soft knee-high boot traditionally made of seal (mostly bearded seal) or caribou skin. Alaskan Eskimo mukluks are traditionally made with bearded seal skin soles and leg uppers of caribou trimmed with fur, but Alaskan Athabaskan mukluks are traditionally made of moose hide and trimmed with fur and beadwork. There were various mukluk types of footwear used by Yup'ik Eskimos, including kamguk, kameksak, piluguk, and others. The word mukluk which is derived from the Yup'ik word maklak meaning bearded seal, because bearded seal skin is used for the soles of skin boots.[2] The lower part of caribou's front legs (tuntum iruit) are used to make kameksaq and piluguq for Yup'ik footwear.[47][48]

Calf-high mukluk (piluguq sg piluguuk dual piluguut pl in Yup'ik; often used in the dual) ) is winter calf-high skin boot. It is worn by both men and women, but men's boots are larger than women’s. The men’s boots don’t really have decorations. They only put decorations on women’s boots.[49] This boots made of caribou leg skins were sewn using the front of the caribou's back leg on the boot's front and the back of its front leg on the boot's back; this avoided the skin that was worn thin by the animal's habit of kneeling to forage.[12][18]

Knee-high mukluk (kamguq sg kamguk dual kamgut pl in Yup'ik [Yukon]; often used in the dual) is knee-high or higher skin boot.

Ankle-high mukluk (kameksaq sg kameksiik ~ kameksak dual kameksiit pl in Yup'ik, kameksag dual in Cup'ig; often used in the dual) is ankle-high skin or fur boot, or house slipper.

Fancy mukluk (ciuqalek in Yup'ik) is fancy skin boot made with a piece of dark fur over the shin part (and back part). Nunivaarmiut ac'iqer ciuqaleg (in Cup'ig) is men's fancy skin boot with wolverine in front.

Waterproof mukluks or waterproof boots are, Ivruciq (ivruciq sg ivrucik dual ivruciit pl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, ivrucir in Cup'ig)[18] is waterproof sealskin boot with fur inside worn by men; At'arrlugaq (at'ayagglugar in Cup'ig [in the Yup'ik Eskimo Dictionary as at'arrlugaq]) is women's thigh-high sealskin waterproof hip boot; Qalluwit (qalluwit in Cup'ig) is high waterproof boots for young; Mamlek (mamlek [Yukon] in Yup'ik) is thigh-high skin boots with fur above the knee and waterproof material below the knee.

Fish-skin boots (amirak ~ amiraq sg amiriik dual in Yup'ik and Cup'ik) are waterproof skin boot made of fish skin. In the past fish-skin boots were made with depilated soles of bearded seal, ankle straps, and a casing sewb to the upper edge of the leg. Large salmon skins were prepared for boots by sewing up the fin holes. A round needle was used because a triangular needle would split the skin.[6][20]

Other Yupik and Cup'ik skin boots are, atallgaq (ankle-high skin boot), ayagcuun (thigh-high skin boot with fur out, any other item used in traveling), catquk (skin boot made of dyed sealskin), nanilnguaraq [Yukon] (short skin boot), qulip'ak ~ qulip'agaq [Unaliq-Pastuliq] (skin boot with beaver trimming), qaliruaq (ankle-high skin boot for dress wear; also means slipper; sock).

Other Nunivaarmiut Cup'ig skin boots are, at'ar (Eskimo sealskin boot), ac'iqer (men's high skin fur Eskimo-boot), an'giuteg (men's Eskimo winter boots), ilutmurtar (men's boot sealskin for men with fur inside), qamquinar (men's high wading boot), unillugag (women's eskimo boots), yuunin (women's high skin boot), yuunillugar (women's old high skin boot), ac'upegglugar, acupegglugar (women's old high skin boot).

Socks (ilupeqsaq in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, ilupeqsar in Cup'ig) is as liner for boots. Loon skin socks made from the birdskin of loon (Gavia).[22]

Grass socks made from Elymus mollis used to be worn inside sealskin boots.[8] The boots were lined with grass in the bottom and were worn with woven grass socks.’

Liner: The fur liner for skin boot (murun or muruqaq, also means slipper in Yup'ik and Cup'ik). The woven liner for skin boot (alliqsak, alliqsaq sg alliqsiik dual in Yup'ik and Cup'ik), made by twining dried grass or burlap fibers, etc.

Children's clothing

Children's clothing (mikelnguut aturait) was made of soft skin of younger animals. Reindeer fawn and dog puppy skin parkas, with the fur inside, were made for babies (irniaq) and small children (mikelnguq). Puppies one and two months old were killed for the purpose. Fawn and puppy skins were turned inside out, scraped, hung out to dry, and then put away. When needed the skins were taken from storage, rubbed between the hands with a rotary motion, and chewed as necessary to soften and loosen tissue that had not previously been removed.[8] For a sealskin parka, one skin was required for a three-year-old, two for a five- or six-year-old, and three for a child of 10 or 12 years. A small child's sealskin parka was often decorated with tassels of the same material stitched to the upper center of the back. A baby's boots were always made with the fur inside but otherwise were similar in construction to adult boots. In former times, babies wore long boots and no pants. When a child was toilet trained, pants separate from boots were put on a boy, while girls were given trouser-boots like those worn by women.[8]

In addition to being addressed as kin by one's namesake's relations, a person Continues a special relationship with these people. As a child, she may receive gifts from them, such as the traditionally complete set of "head to toe" clothing, and frequent invitations to meals.[50]

Trimming

Trim (naqyutkaun in Cup'ig) on parka, hat, and boot is decorative trimming elements such as patchwork pieces or tassel. Parka trim pieces made primarily of white and black skin of caribou or reindeer, also now largely replaced by calfskin. The fur of the wolf and wolverine are utilized by the Alaska Natives for parka trimming.[51] Wolverines have a somewhat higher basal metabolic rate than other animals their size, which means their internal fire burns a little hotter. To help hold in heat, they wear a long, luxuriously thick coat. Trappers prize this fur because the texture of wolverine hair also keeps it from absorbing moisture. Used widely as trim on parka hoods, cuffs and collars, it readily sheds frost that would otherwise build up from steaming breath.[52]

The Yup'ik non-hanging trims on clothing: akurun ~ akut (in Yup'ik) aku (in Cup'ig) trim at hem of parka, often made of pieces of black and white calfskin sewn together in a geometric design; tungunqucuk wide strip of otter fur below the light-colored decoration at the hem or cuff of a traditional Yup’ik parka, or other dark fur trim on a parka; cenliarun trimming on hem of garment; alirun ~ alinrun trim around parka cuff; tusrun ~ tusrulluk (in Yup'ik) tusrun (in Cup'ig) short, narrow, V-shaped calfskin on parka sleeve between shoulder and elbow of a traditional Yup’ik parka; pukiq light-colored, soft belly skin of caribou or reindeer used in fancy parka designs as trim on a parka; pukirneq skin of young caribou, used for making trim; naqyun (in Cup'ig) trim on parka or kuspuk; it’galqinraq strip of dried swan-foot skin, black in color, used as backing for decorative stitching; qercurtaq freeze-dried skin and white trim on dance hat.[2][15]

The black skin of wolf fish (Anarhichas sp. qaculluk) was used for trim on parkas in the Yukon and Norton Sound regions.[2]

Tassels (alngaq in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, aqevyar in Cup'ig) are hanging (dangling) decorative trimming ornaments of wolverine fur or beads on a parka or boot. The Yup'ik tassels are, kayurun ~ kay'urrun ~ kasurun (wolverine-fur decoration on the upper part of parka sleeve), megcugtaq (piece of wolf fur on the tip of the shoulder or armpit tassels of certain traditional Yup’ik parkas, said to represent falling snowflakes in the winter, as a reminder to not waste food), pitgarcuun (tassel hanging from the armpit or just below the armpit of the traditional Yup'ik parka with red beads said to represent the blood of the legendary hero Apanuugpak (or Iluvaktuq ?) who had been shot with an arrow in that part of his body), avan ~ avata (one of a pair of tassels on the sides of the piece of calfskin in the middle of a traditional Yup’ik parka), qemirrlugun (piece of calfskin in the middle of a traditional Yup'ik parka with three tassels hanging from it, often having a "drawn bow and arrow" or a fish-tail design stitched on it; smaller plate below the large front and back plates on parka), miryaruaq (one of two tassels on the chest and back of certain traditional Yup'ik parkas; said to represent caribou fat vomited out by Iluvaktuq, a legendary hero, when he fled his enemies), mumeq (a tassel, representing a drumstick, hanging from one of the calfskin pieces on the traditional Yup’ik qulitaq parka as worn in the coastal area), pequmiutaq (decorative small wolverine "tail" on a traditional Yup’ik parka), uulungak (piece of fringed fur (mink, squirrel belly, etc.) sewn on hem or hood of garment).[2]

Apanuugpak (also known as Apanukpak or Apanurpaq), was Yup'ik legendary mythical great warrior figure or folk hero from the Kuskokwim and Nelson Island areas[2] during the 18th century traditional bow and arrow warfare, which occurred for many decades, ending about 200 years ago in the Yup'ik region of Southwest Alaska. According to anthropologist Ann Fienup-Riordan, four separate continuing conflicts in the region were part of the wars.[53] Significantly, the Yup'ik Eskimos categorize the Apanuugpak stories as historical narratives (qanemcit) rather than mythical tales (qulirat).[54] Apanuugpak convinced villages that war was a futile and wasteful activity. Robert Redford, the actor, attempted to make a movie about Apanuugpak, "The Winter Warrior."[55][56] The movie was never completed.[57] Yup’ik parkas told the legend of this great warrior. The parkas had two white strips on the shoulder area that meant "don’t tread on me, I’m a member of Apanuugpak’s tribe. These two white strips reminded people of the story told after Apanuugpak went caribou hunting with two of his warriors."[58]

Armbands (kayurun in Yup'ik, Cup'ik, and Cup'ig) is biceps straps used in dancing by dance song director. Men wore fancy armbands around the upper arm when dancing without a parka. These were made of seal or caribou skin with the fur on the inside and tufts of dog fur or other fancy fur sewn on for decoration. The bands were approximately three inches wide and were not continuous, but rather a strip with skin ties at each end.[8]

Tools

An ulu from Alaska.

Yup'ik women roles included child rearing, food preparation and sewing. Skin sewing is artistic arena in which Yup'ik women and a few younger men excel. Everyday functional items like skin mittens, mukluks, and jackets are commonly made today, but the elegant fancy parkas of traditional times are now rare.[4] The proper sewing of skins requires considerable and varied traditional knowledge and an intact extended family whose members help in hunting gathering, and processing the various components in addition to sewing.[4] Women's tools include ulu, scraper, scraping board, needle, needle case, thimble, and pattern. There are many regional differences in the design and function of these tools.[6]

Garments of the Alaska Native tradition are made using a variety of stitching techniques and with a variety of materials folded into the stitch.[19]

Ulu, also Eskimo knife or woman's knife (uluaq in Yup'ik, kegginalek in Cup'ik, ulluar in Cup'ig) is multi-functional semilunar woman's knife. Ulus are made in different sizes depending upon the task for which they are intended. They are used for a broad range of jobs such as skinning and butchering carcasses, removing fat from skins, preparing meals, cutting skins for skin boats, and collecting shoe grass, as well as far sewing clothing and footwear.[6][59]

Scraper or skin scraper (tellunrun [Kuskokwim], pellumrun [Yukon], ellumrun, ellumerrun, urumerun, urugun, calugun, cakuugun [Unaliq-Pastuliq] in Yup'ik cakivcissuun in Cup'ik, calugciss'un [stone-end scraper used for scraping skin], nengulerciss'un [scraper for fawn skins; tanning tool for softening and stretching skin made from bone or ivory] in Cup'ig): Once skins are dried they must be scraped before they are pliable enough to sew into skin clothing or footwear. Often a seamstress uses a sharp scraper to remove any dried fat.[6] The tuluruaq large piece of bent wood firmly fixed to the ground over which a skin is placed for scraping and stretching[2] and skin scraper with long handle for extra leverage.[59]

Sinew (as "sewing sinew" yualukaq in Yup'ik; as "sewing, cordage and netting sinew", "thread" or "tendon" yualuq sg yualuit pl or eglu ~ egluq in Yup'ik, ivalu ~ ivaluq in Cup'ik and Egegik Yup'ik, iwalu in Cup'ig) is made from the tendons and ligaments of an animal's body.[60] The tendons of large animals such as wild caribou (tuntu) and semi-domesticated reindeer (qusngiq), moose (tuntuvak), and beluga whale (cetuaq) (also, for other non-Yup'ik regions of Indigenous peoples of the North America: big horn sheep, black-tailed and white-tailed deer, elk or wapiti, and bison or buffalo) were used for sinew. Dried animal tendons known as sinew are used to make their clothing and footwear, and to sew bedding, tents and kayak covers. These tendons are usually sliced off the long muscles on either side pf the spine of a caribou or beluga whale. Sometimes shorter tendons are taken from other animals' parts such as bird's foot.[6] Yup'iks sewed using caribou (tuntut yualuit, tuntut ivaluit), moose (tuntuviit yualuit, tuntuviim eglua) or beluga (cetuat yualuit) sinews as thread in the old days. The hand-twisted sinew thread is yualukiuraq (in Yup'ik) or qip'ar (in Cup'ig). The iwalukegcaun (in Cup'ig) is wax or soap put on thread when sewing skin. The yualunguaq (in Yup'ik) is sinew thread for fish-skin.

Needle or sewing needle (mingqun sg mingqutek dual mingqutet pl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, cikur in Cup'ig) is main tool for to sew (mingqe- in Yup'ik, Cup'ik, and Cup'ig) In the past Alaska Eskimo usually carved fine sewing needles out of walrus ivory od split them from bird bones.[6] Also, made of squirrel bone.[59] The small holes in the needles were drilled with a mouth-bow drill. Today metal needles have replaced the ivory and stone needles.[6] Three-cornered skin-sewing needle, three-cornered needle or glover’s needle (quagulek, ipgut’lek, anguarutnguaq, ciilaq ~ ciilaviq [Nelson Island], ulunalek [Egegik] in Yup'ik, umilek in Cup'ik, quaguleg in Cup'ig) used to sew lightweight skin without pre-punching. Other kind of needles is round nedle (quaguilznguar in Cup'ig). Crane’s foot needle (kakuun in Yup'ik and Cup'ik) is made from the front part of an uncooked crane’s foot.[22]

Needle case or needlecase (mingqusvik, mingqusviutaq, mingqucivik in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, cikiwig in Cup'ig). Northern (Inupiat) and southern (Yup'ik) seamstresses had different styles of needle cases. The Yup'ik preferred bone or ivory needle cases made with stoppers at each end.[6] Needles stored in ivory needle cases or the hollow section of a swan wing bone.[59]

Thimble (akngirnailitaq [Nelson Island, Bristol Bay], tekeq [Yukon, Egegik], curaq [Egegik], tekrun [Unaliq-Pastuliq] in Yup'ik, tekeq in Cup'ik, keniun in Cup'ig). Metal, ivory, or skin thimbles are worn on a seanstress's index finger to provide protection from needles. Skin thimbles are cut from shaved or bleached skins of bearded scals.[6] The shell thimbles are used by Yup'iks." [59]

Sewing Bag or sewing box, sewing case (kakivik in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, kakiwig in Cup'ig) which held a woman's needles, thimble, sinew thread, small knife, and whetstone.[59] A woman's ability to sew and repair clothing was critical to her husband's success as well as the whole family's survival. A girl could only become a wife after she learned to sew. Men sewed repairs for themselves while out hunting.[59] Iñupiaq and Yup’ik sewing kits epitomize the economy and thoughtfulness of Eskimo ingenuity with materials.[61]

Edna Wilder (1976), Secrets of Eskimo skin sewing. Anchorage, Alaska: Alaska Northern Publishing Company, 1976. Edna Wilder was the first native instructor in the art of skin sewing class held at the University of Alaska.

Pattern (cuqcaun, cuqcissuun, cuqyun in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, cuqciss'un in Cup'ig; "gunsight; ruler; pattern; measuring device; measurement"). Yup’ik pattern-makers use rectangles, squares, rhombi, and right triangles in different sizes to create a variety of interesting symmetrical patterns similar to linear frieze patterns. They use shapes of two contrasting colors to produce visually pleasing effects. The shapes derived from rectangles or squares fit together in several different ways. This allows people to make many different patterns using the same basic shapes. Yup’ik designers use linear patterns for parka borders (parka bottoms and sleeves), headbands, and boots. These patterns all follow a few rules.[62] The pattern pieces (tumaqcaq sg [in the Yup'ik Eskimo Dictionary as tumaqcaaq] tumaqcat pl or tumartaq sg in Yup'ik) are polygon geometric shape and like patchwork. The hide cut in a spiral pattern producing a long narrow strip of babiche is aqsarqelleq (in Unaliq-Pastuliq Yup'ik).

Yup'ik mathematics and science evolved to solve problems associated with living and traveling in the difficult world of the tundra. As a result, the human body became the center of mathematics. Yup'ik clothing patterns also provided a means for teaching geometry and could be used to teach literacy. Traditional geometric patterns on parkas were walking stories that told about legendary people, identified regions, and indicated families.[63] One technique was to reproduce designs used in Yup'ik clothing and crafts in a set of geometric manipulatives to assist in teaching mathematical patterns, fractions, simple algebra, and tessellations.[64] An important and common Yup’ik measure is the "knuckle", which forms the basis for constructing a square, which can be transformed into geometrically pleasing patterns that adorn squirrel parkas or become the basis of circles used for ceremonial headdresses.[65] This knuckle is the middle [intermediate] phalanges of index finger and the “knuckle length” measure (not fingerbreadth) is a common unit in the Yup’ik measurement system.[66]

Yup'ik non-standard measurement units of length: aaggarner (in Cup'ig) measurement, the distance from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the middle finger with fingers spread out; angvaneq (in Yup'ik) measurement, the distance from the center of the chest (or the armpit ?) to the end of the fingertips of the outstreched arm and hand; cagner (in Cup'ig) measurement between tips of fingers on opposing hands when arms are extended out from the sides of the body; ikuyegarneq (in Yup'ik) ikuyegarner (in Cup'ig) measurement from one’s elbow to the end of his fist; ikuyegneq (in Yup'ik) measurement from one’s elbow to end of his outstretched fingertips; iqelqin (in Yup'ik) measurement from the tip of one’s thumb to the tip of one’s index fingers are stretched out from each other; itegneq (in Yup'ik) measurement from tip of toes to end of heel; foot (in length); it’ganeq (in Yup'ik) measurement from tip of toes to end of heel; foot (in length); malruneq (in Yup'ik) measurement of the width at their ends of the index finger and the middle finger held next to each other; naparneq (in Yup'ik) measurement from tip of extended thumb to opposite side fist; patneq (in Yup'ik) measurement, the width of the four fingers (thumb excluded) of one’s hand; pingayuneq (in Yup'ik) measurement of the width at their ends of the index finger, the middle finger, and the ring finger held next to each other; pupsuneq (in Yup'ik) measurement from the thumb (outer edge of nail) to the second joint of the index finger curled up with section from tip to first joint along inner edge of thumb; qerruuner (in Cup'ig) measurement from fingertip to armpit or chest; quruner (in Cup'ig) measurement from fingertip to the armpit or chest; tallineq (in Yup'ik) measurement from one’s fingertips to his armpit with the arm (and hand) outstretched; 'tallinin (in Yup'ik) measurement from the extremity of one’s fist to his armpit with the arm outstretched; taluyaneq (in Yup'ik) measurement, the distance from the folded elbow of one outstretched arm to the ends of the fingertips of the other outstretched arm; teklin (in Yup'ik) measurement from the tip of the thumb to tip of index finger when each is stretched out away from the other; tekneq (in Yup'ik) measurement being the width of the last section of one’s index finger; tumagneq (in Yup'ik) measurement of the width of the palm (flattened and with the fingers and thumb held together); tusneq (in Yup'ik) measurement being the width from the outside edge of one should to the outside edge of the other; yegyameg (in Cup'ig) from elbow (measuring to tip of hand).[2][15]

Materials of Yup'ik garments

Raw materials

The primary subsistence activity for the Yup'ik is fishing, though hunting supplements the food supply and provides skins for clothing.[6] The Yup'ik fur and skin clothing, like other Eskimo groups, is a key factor in ensuring their survival in the northernmost reaches of the globe. The raw materials of traditional Yup'ik clothing are skin (hide) and fur (pelt), intestine (gut), sinew, and grass. The raw material resources are sea and land mammals, birds, fish and plants. Traditionally, skins of birds, fish, and marine and land animals were used to make clothing. Hunting clothes were designed to be insulated and waterproof. Fish skin and marine mammal intestines were used for waterproof shells and boots. Grass was used to make insulating socks, and as a waterproof thread. Wastefulness being disrespectful, Yup'ik elders made use of every last scrap from hunts and harvests: seal guts became warm, waterproof, and breathable parkas; the skins of fish were fashioned into waterproof mittens, while their heads and entrails were stored in naturally refrigerated pits as insurance against future famine. Dried grasses became anything from insulating socks to bedding to sled rope, or even goggles to protect against snow blindness.[67]

Skin or Hide (amiq sg amiik dual amiit pl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, amir in Cup'ig). Traditionally, clothing may be made of a variety of skins, including bearded seal skin (maklaarem amia), hair-seal skin (nayiim amia), two-year-old spotted sea skin (useqniim amia), walrus skin (asverem amia), caribou skin (tuntum amia), calfskin (kuluviim amia), bearskin (carayiim amia), wolfskin (keglunrem amia), wolverine skin (terikaniam amia), oldsquaw duck skin (allgiaraam amia), swan skin (qugyuum amia) fish skins (neqet amiit), and others. Traditionally, virtually all parkas worn by the Nunivaarmiut were made from the skins of seals, caribou, or birds; the skins of reindeer have been used in more recent times. Mink and fox skins were also utilized in the past, the latter occasionally for the ruff since it was too thin to be durable enough for men's parkas. Mainland furs that have been used in recent times but not in the past include ground squirrels received from the people of Nelson Island who, in turn, obtained them from the Kuskokwim River, and wolverine used primarily for trim.[8] Muskrat skins (single layer) and Arctic ground squirrel (double layer) were used for winter parkas because these furs are light in weight but very warm. However, caribou (or its domesticated cousin, the reindeer, introduced to Alaska in the 1890s) is also quite warm and also more durable, making it perhaps the most desired material for winter clothing.[7] Historically, ground squirrel, muskrat, and caribou were commonly used for clothing.[6]

Traditionally, Nunivaarmiut Cup'ig skin clothing was washed in urine, but by 1939 only one family was doing this regularly. The dirty parts of a parka were immersed in a wooden urine dish and the fur kneaded down into the urine with a movement like kneading bread dough. Then the garment was shaken out and hung up to dry. Sometimes it was rinsed in clear water.[8]

Fur or pelt (melquq in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, melqur in Cup'ig). Fur from land animals was warmer than other kinds of skin. Red-fox and white-fox skin parkas were warm. Mink, otter, and muskrat skins were used as parkas around here.[12] Trapping of furbearing animals (melqulek literally "one with fur, one having fur", derived from melquq and the postbase -lek) provides a large part of the income earned by the Alaska Natives as well as many of the white residents of Southwestern Alaska. The principal animals hunted and trapped for fur are black, polar and brown bear, beaver, coyote, blue, cross, red, silver, and white fox, hare, lynx, marmot, marten, mink, muskrat, otter, squirrel, weasel, wolf and wolverine. The highest prices are received for marten, mink, beaver, otter, and silver fox, followed by wolf, coyote, and wolverine; but the major portion of income is derived from mink, beaver, marten, and muskrat due to the greater abundance of these species. The fur of the wolf, and wolverine have little commercial value in the fur market but are utilized by the Alaska Natives for parka trimming.[51]

Gut or intestines (qilu, qiluq, qiluk sg qiluit pl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, qilu in Cup'ig) and large intestines (qilurpak sg qilurpiit pl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, qilurpag in Cup'ig) were used to make waterproof raincoat parkas and boots. Walrus or bearded seal intestines were considered better materials for rain parkas than the intestines of small seals.[8] In summer they were used as rain parkas and were as waterproof as garments made of intestine.[8] The smoother inside of the gut would become the outside of the parka.[18] Bear gut (taqukinraq sg taqukinraat pl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik) parkas are said to last longer than seal gut (irnerrluk in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, irnerrlug in Cup'ig) parkas. The seal-gut material (qalirkaq in Yup'ik and Cup'ik), esp. baby bearded-seal gut (maklagaat qalirkait) were used for smoke-hole window.[2]

Tendon (also with means "sinew" or "thread" yualuq sg yualuit pl or eglu ~ egluq in Yup'ik, ivalu ~ ivaluq in Cup'ik and Egegik Yup'ik, iwalu in Cup'ig) are made of thick, closely packed bundles of collagen fibers. The caribou, moose, and beluga whale tendons were made sinew used for thread to sew with.

Resources

The homeland of Yup'ik Eskimos is the Dfc climate type subarctic tundra ecosystem. Their lands are located in different five of 32 ecoregions of Alaska:[68]

  1. Nulato Hills ecoregion: The low, rolling Nulato Hills form a divide between the Bering Sea and the Yukon River, with streams on the east side flowing into the river and those on the west draining into Norton Sound. The largest communities are Unalakleet and Mountain Village. Native people of this region are Inupiat, Koyukon Athabaskans and Central Yup'iks.
  2. Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta ecoregion: The Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta in southwestern Alaska result from the deposition of heavy sediment loads from the glacial Yukon and Kuskokwim Rivers. Bethel is the largest community. This ecoregion is the heart of the area inhabited traditionally by the Yup'ik people.
  3. Ahklun Mountains ecoregion: Located in the southwest part of the state, the Ahklun and Kilbuck Mountains define the divide between the drainages into Kuskokwim and Bristol Bays. Togiak is the largest community. Native people of this region are Central Yup'iks.
  4. Bristol Bay Lowlands ecoregion: Past glaciation in the surrounding Ahklun Mountains and Aleutian Range resulted in this flat-to-rolling moraine and outwash-mantled lowland around Bristol Bay in Southwest Alaska. Dillingham is the largest community. Native people of this region are Central Yup'iks and Alutiiq (Sugpiaq). The Bristol Bay Yup'ik settled the northern half of the region, while the Alutiiq settled the southern half.
  5. Bering Sea Islands ecoregion: Five major islands (St. Lawrence, Nunivak, St. Matthew, and the two Pribilof Islands of the St. Paul and St. George) and their adjacent islets dot the inner shelf of the Bering Sea and constitute the Bering Sea Islands ecoregion. Central Yup'ik and Siberian Yupik people settled the larger islands closer to the Alaska mainland.

Sea mammals

Marine mammals or sea mammals (imarpigmiutaq sg imarpigmiutaat pl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, imarpillar in Cup'ig) are only fin-footed species, such as seals and walruses. There are four species of seals in Alaska that are referred to as ice seals (or ice associated seals) because they use sea ice for some important life history events such as pupping, nursing, molting, and resting. This ice seals (ringed, bearded, spotted, and ribbon seals) are all used for subsistence by coastal Alaska Natives for food, oil, materials, clothing, and handicrafts.[69] Sealskin is ideal for milder, damp weather as the hair provides very little insulation, however, sealskins are wind and water-resistant.[70] Sealskin parkas were the most common type in former times, being worn by people of all ages and both sexes. A sealskin parka for a woman or man required five skins.[8] In the past, Yup'ik people relied on seals primarily for their meat, oil, and skin. The hide and sinew were commonly used as clothing, rope, nets, and for sewing. Sealskin could be used to make strands for rope and were used to make maklak skin boots. Intestines (guts) were used to make waterproof parkas. And even the fur of an unborn pup was used as a favorite trimming for clothing.[71]

Land mammals

Terrestrial mammals or land mammals (nunarmiutaq sg nunarmiutaat pl in Yup'ik) are game animals and furbearers.

A group of Nunivak Cup'ig children playing on a fence at the reindeer roundup on Nunivak.

Birds

Birds (tengmiaq sg tengmiak dual tengmiat pl or yaqulek sg yaqulgek dual yaqulget pl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, tengmiar sg tengmiag dual tengmiat pl in Cup'ig) are used mostly for garment as parka (eider, duck, murre, guillemot, auklet, puffin, kittiwake, cormorant, owl) or cap (puffin, eider, murre) and tool as needle (crane). Not only did people prize bird skins for parka material, but they used their feathers and bones for many things such as fire-bath hats, dance fans, dust brooms, needle cases, even peashooters.[22]

Horned puffins on a Nunivak Island sea cliff, August 2008. Horned puffin skins were counted and sold in "knots" or bundles of six. Thirty-four skins were necessary for a man's parka and 28 for a woman's.

Fish

Fish (neqa sg neqek dual neqet pl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik neqa or iqallug in Cup'ig) is one of the most common Yup'ik foods. Fish skins (neqet amiit or amirak ~ amiraq in Yup'ik) and intestines are used for waterproof clothing (amiragglugaq) in a few areas, especially in southern coastal Alaska. For example, commercial herring fishers from Toksook Bay, Alaska still prefer intestine parkas to heavy-duty raincoats, as they are lighter and allow body vapor to pass through the skin membrane while preventing rain from entering.[70] In former times, rather crudely made shirts without hoods were made of local salmon or trout skins.[8] Through rarely used today, in the past fish skin was also used for waterproof boots (amirak ~ amiraq) and mittens (arilluk) also parka (qasperrluk), making these items water-repellent and durable. Fish skin was also used to make parkas, mittens, and pants for summer use.[6] The sinew for fish skins known as yualunguaq (fish-skin thread).

Plants

Driftwood on Arey Island on the Alaska North Slope of Inupiat lands.

Plants (naunraq sg naunraat pl in Yup'ik and Cup'ik, naucir(ar) in Cup'ig)

Western-style clothing

Yup'ik Eskimo children learning to sew (western-style) in a U.S. government school in Alaska, sometime between 1900-1930

The Russian colonization of the Americas by the Russian Empire covers the period from 1732 to 1867. As the runs from Siberia to America became longer expeditions, the crews established hunting and trading posts of the Shelikhov-Golikov Company (later formed the basis for the Russian-American Company). By the late 1790s, these had become permanent settlements of the Russian America (1799-1867). Colonization of Russian America by Russians was very limited. During the years 1799-1867, the number of Russians averaged 550 persons. There were never more than 823 Russians in the colony. Until about 1819, Russian settlement and activity was largely confined to the Aleutian Islands, the Pribilof Islands, Kodiak Island, and to scattered coastal locations on the mainland.[86] Approximately half of the fur traders were Russians such as promyshlenniki from various European parts of the Russian Empire or from Siberia. Russia's sustained presence in Russian Alaska, from the arrival of the first Russians in 1732 until the transfer of the territory into United States possession, had a profound impact on the region’s cultural landscape.[87]

Before the arrival of the Russian fur traders (promyshlennikis), caribou and beaver skins were used for traditional clothing but subsequently, the Eskimos were persuaded to sell most furs and substitute manufactured materials.[88] The Russians encouraged the Eskimos to adopt Western-style dress in order to release more furs for trading.[74]

The Russian borrowings or loanwords used in Yup’ik language date from the period of the Russian America: malagg'aayaq (Yukon-Kuskokwim Yup'ik) palagg'aayaq (Unaliq-Pastuliq Yup'ik) palagg'aayar (Nunivak Cup'ig) paallaguaq (Egegik Yup'ik) "fur hat with large ear-flaps" from Russian малаха́й (malakháy); esslaapaq ~ ess'laapaq ~ selapaq ~ cillapak "broad-brimmed hat" from Russian шля́па (shlyápa); kaapaq ~ kaapaaq ~ kaupaq ~ kaupaaq "beaded hairnet worn by married Russian Orthodox women" from Russian ка́пор (kápor) "poke bonnet"; kaapcelaaq "primer cap" from Russian ка́псуль (kápsul’); kantiluq "cap with visor" from Russian кондырь (kondýr’); tackaq "woman’s beaded hairnet" perhaps from Russian се́тка (sétka) "net"; lavtak "material for skin-boot soles, the yellowish skin of the bearded seal (maklak) prepared by removing the black outer layer of skin" from Siberian Russian лафта́к (lafták) "dressed hide of sea mammal"; sap’akiq ~ cap’akiq "shoe; manufactured boot" from Russian сапоги́ (sapogí) "shoes"; pasmakiq ~ masmakiq "store-bought shoe" from Russian ба́шмаки (báshmaki) "shoes"; suukiiq ~ cuukiiq "sock" from Russian чулки́ (chulkí); kamliikaq "waterproof jacket used with kayak; parka" from Russian камле́йка (kamléyka); llumarraq ~ lumarraq ~ numarraq "shirt; cloth; dress; nightwear" from Russian руба́ха (rubákha); paltuuk ~ pal’tuuk "coat; zippered parka; jacket" from Russian пальто́ (pal’tó); saaliq "vest" from Russian шаль (shal’) "shawl"; sumpaq "jacket" from Russian шу́ба (shúba); yuupkaaq "slip; petticoat" from Russian ю́бка (yúpka) "skirt"; ciitsaaq, ciitessaaq "lightweight cotton cloth" from Russian си́тец (sítets); tulvaaq, tulvaarraq "heavy cloth; denim" from Russian то́левый "roofing felt".[2][89][90][91]

Today, many Yup'ik have adopted western-style clothing.

See also

References

  1. ↑ Alaska Native Collections : Parka (E043282)
  2. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 Jacobson, Steven A. (2012). Yup'ik Eskimo Dictionary, 2nd edition. Alaska Native Language Center.
  3. 1 2 3 Elisabeth F. Andrews (1989), The Akulmiut: territorial dimensions of a Yup'ik Eskimo society. Technical Paper No. 177. Juneau, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game Division of Subsistence.
  4. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Susan W. Fair (2006), Alaska Native Art: Tradition, Innovation, Continuity, University of Alaska Press
  5. 1 2 Aline J. Cotel, Raymond Golingo, Jill E. Oakes, Rick R. Riewe (2004), "Effect of ancient Inuit fur parka ruffs on facial heat transfer". Climate Research 26: 77–84
  6. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 Jill Oakes and Rick Riewe (2007), Alaska Eskimo Footwear. University of Alaska Press
  7. 1 2 3 4 Learning Experiences 1. Living Our Cultures, Sharing Our Heritage: The First Peoples of Alaska. Smithsonian Arctic Studies Center
  8. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 James W. VanStone (1989), Nunivak Island Eskimo (Yuit) technology and material culture. Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History, 1989. Fieldiana, Anthropology, New Series, No. 12. 108 p.
  9. 1 2 3 The British Museum: Woman's ground squirrel parka, made by Mrs James Kanuk
  10. ↑ Erica Goff (2009), More than garments, traditional Yup'ik parkas tell stories of past
  11. ↑ Esther Ilutsik (2009), "Eleven Years of Implementing Traditional Yup'ik Oral Stories in the Elementary Classroom." In Collignon B. & Therrien M. (eds). 2009. Orality in the 21st century: Inuit discourse and practices. Proceedings of the 15th Inuit Studies Conference. Paris: INALCO.
  12. 1 2 3 4 5 Yuungnaqpiallerput : Nunamiutarnek Ungungssinek Piliat = Things made from land animals
  13. ↑ National Museum of the American Indian : Man's parka
  14. 1 2 Yuungnaqpiallerput : Qangananek Piliat = Things made from squirrels
  15. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Nuniwarmiut Piciryarata Tamaryalkuti : Nunivak Island Cup'ig Language Preliminary Dictionary
  16. ↑ http://www.kuspuk.org/
  17. ↑ Suomen Museot Online : suoliparka (Finnish) and (English)
  18. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Yuungnaqpiallerput : Pissurcuutet Imarpigmi = Tools for Ocean Hunting
  19. 1 2 3 4 5 Reed, Fran (2008). "Embellishments of the Alaska Native gut parka". Textile Society of America Symposium Proceedings, Paper 127.
  20. 1 2 3 Yuungnaqpiallerput : Iqertagnek Piliat = Things made fish skin
  21. ↑ National Museum of the American Indian : Parka of dog-salmon skin (qasperrluk)
  22. 1 2 3 4 5 Yuungnaqpiallerput : Yaqulegnek Piliat = Things made from birds
  23. ↑ Jill Elizabeth Oakes (1991), "Regional variations in bird skin preparation techniques and parka designs". Home Economics Research Journal Home Economics Research Journal 20 (2): 119–132, December 1991
  24. ↑ Alaska Conservation Foundation’s Alaska Native Fund (ANF): Bird Skin Parka Making Project (St. Lawrence Island-style)
  25. ↑ Yazar: Robert James Wolfe (2006). Playing with fish and other lessons from the North. Tucson, Arizina : University of Arizona Press.
  26. ↑ Alaska Native Collections : Hat (E037904)
  27. ↑ Harry Schelwald Swarth (1934), Birds of Nunivak Island, Alaska. Cooper Ornithological Club, Pacific Coast Avifauna, no. 22, Los Angeles, California, March 31, 1934
  28. ↑ Calista Corporation : Kotlik
  29. ↑ Bright, William (2004). Native American placenames of the United States. University of Oklahoma Press. p. 237. ISBN 978-0-8061-3598-4. Retrieved 14 November 2014.
  30. ↑ Alaska Native Collections : Hat (E037904)
  31. ↑ Kacie Miura (2006). East-West Center shows Alaskan artifacts. Ka Leo O Hawaii October 12, 2006.
  32. ↑ Alaska Native Collections : uivqurraq “circular cap”
  33. ↑ Alaska Native Collections : nasqurrun “dance headdress”
  34. ↑ Yuungnaqpiallerput : Cauyarnariuq = Time for drumming
  35. 1 2 3 Yuungnaqpiallerput : Niiteqayuluni takvigluni-llu = Hearing well and seeing far
  36. ↑ Alaska Native Collections : ugtarcuun “bentwood hat, conical wooden hat” 90
  37. ↑ Alaska Native Collections : ugtarcuun “bentwood hat, conical wooden hat” 315
  38. ↑ Alaska Native Collections : chagudax^ “open wooden hat”
  39. ↑ Alaska Native Collections : elqiaq “bentwood visor” 242
  40. ↑ Alaska Native Collections : elqiaq “bentwood visor” 275
  41. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Yuungnaqpiallerput : Canegnek Piliat = Things made from grass
  42. 1 2 Alaska Native Collections: nigaugek “old-style snow goggles made out of wood” 550
  43. ↑ Alaska Native Collections: nigaugek “old-style snow goggles made out of wood” 584
  44. 1 2 Alaska Native Collections: nigaugek “old-style snow goggles made out of wood” 559
  45. ↑ Alaska Native Collections : arilluuk “pair of fishskin mittens”
  46. ↑ Issenman, Betty Kobayashi (1997). Sinews of Survival: The Living Legacy of Inuit Clothing. Vancouver, B.C.: University of British Columbia Press. p. 54. ISBN 0-7748-0596-X. Retrieved 2014-06-11.
  47. ↑ Davin L. Holen, Theodore Krieg, Robert Walker, and Hans Nicholson (2005), Harvests and uses of caribou, moose, bears, and Dall sheep by communities of Game Management Units 9B and 17, western Bristol Bay, Alaska, 2001-2002. Technical Paper No. 283. Division of Subsistence, Alaska Department of Fish & Game, Juneau, Alaska, July 2005
  48. ↑ June Artifact of the Month: Yup’ik caribou hide mukluks. Sheldon Jackson Museum. June 2003
  49. ↑ Alaska Native Collections : piluguk “pair of skin boots”
  50. ↑ Phyllis Morrow (1987), Making the best of two worlds: an anthropological approach to the development of bilingual education materials in southwestern Alaska.
  51. 1 2 Harbors and rivers in Alaska, Survey Report, Interim Report No. 5: Southwestern Alaska. Prepared by Alaska District, Corps of Engineers, January 20, 1054
  52. ↑ Douglas H. Chadwick, Wolverines in a Warming World
  53. ↑ Three Alaska Native Leaders: Apanuugpak: A Yup'ik Warrior
  54. ↑ Fienup-Riordan, Ann (1990). Eskimo Essays: Yup'ik Lives and How We See Them. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
  55. ↑ Sundance: 1986 Directors Lab: Winter Warrior
  56. ↑ Ann Fienup-Riordan (1988) "Robert Redford, Apanuugpak, and the Invention of Tradition." American Ethnologist 15 (3): 442-455. (Jstor)
  57. ↑ George P. Kanaqlak Charles (2009), "Cultural identity through Yupiaq narrative". In Maria Sháa Tláa Williams, eds. The Alaska Native Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Durham: Duke University Press, 2009.
  58. ↑ And there was Apanurpaq . . . as told by Andy Golia. Bristol Bay Native Corporation 2002 Annual Report.
  59. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Yuungnaqpiallerput : Mingeqsarat= Ways of Sewing
  60. ↑ imnh.isu.edu : Sinew Cordage Archived March 1, 2015, at the Wayback Machine.
  61. ↑ Amber Lincoln, with John Goodwin, Pearl Goodwin, Faye Ongtowasruk, Ron Senungetuk, Barbara Weyiouanna (2010). Living With Old Things: Iñupiaq Stories, Bering Strait Histories. Shared Beringian Heritage Program (U.S.), United States National Park Service, Alaska Regional Office.
  62. ↑ Jerry Lipka, Evelyn Yanez and Dora Andrew-Ihrke (2006). "A two way process for developing culturally based math: examples from math in a cultural context". For Submission to the Third International Conference on Ethnomathematics, New Zealand, February 2006
  63. ↑ Spring, Joel (2008). The Universal Right to Education: Justification, Definition, and Guidelines. Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. p. 106. ISBN 1-4106-0188-9. Retrieved 2014-10-11.
  64. ↑ Geneva Gay (2006), "Connections between clasroom management and culturally responsive teaching". In Carolyn M. Evertson and Carol S. Weinstein (eds), Handbook of Classroom Management: research, practice, and contemporary issues. Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. (p.359)
  65. ↑ Monica Wong and Jerry Lipka (2011). "Adapting assessment instruments for an Alaskan context". Mathematics: Traditions and [New] Practices. Proceedings of the AAMT–MERGA conference held in Alice Springs, 3–7 July 2011. Australia
  66. ↑ Jerry Lipka and Dora Andrew-Ihrke (2009). "Ethnomathematics applied to classrooms in Alaska: Math in a cultural context". NASGEm Newsletter, 3(1): 8–10.
  67. 1 2 Fienup-Riordan, Ann; Jimmie, Fredda; Rearden, Alice. (2007). Yuungnaqpiallerput/The Way We Genuinely Live: Masterworks of Yup'ik Science and Survival. University of Washington Press.
  68. ↑ Wildlife Action Plan Section IIIB: Alaska's 32 Ecoregions by Alaska Department of Fish and Game
  69. ↑ Alaska Department of Fish and Game : Ice Seal Research
  70. 1 2 3 Jill Oakes, Inuit and Arctic Dress
  71. ↑ Chad M. Cook (2013), Ataam Taikina : traditional knowledge and conservation ethics in the Yukon River Delta, Alaska. University of Alaska Fairbanks.
  72. 1 2 3 4 5 Susan Georgette, Michael Coffing, Cheryl Scott, and Charles Utermohle (1998), The Subsistence Harvest of Seals and Sea Lions by Alaska Natives in the Norton Sound-Bering Strait Region, Alaska, 1996-97. Technical Paper No. 242, Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence, Juneau, Alaska, April 1998
  73. ↑ James A. Fall, Molly Chythlook, Janet Schichnes, and Rick Sinnott (1991), Walrus Hunting at Togiak, Bristol Bay, Southwest Alaska, Technical Paper No. 212, Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence, Juneau, Alaska, October 1991
  74. 1 2 Janet Schichnes and Molly Chythlook (1988), Use of fish and wildlife in Manokotak, Alaska. Technical Paper No. 152, Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence, Dillingham, Alaska, December, 1988 (p. 13)
  75. ↑ Alaska Department of Fish and Game Caribou (Rangifer tarandus granti) 2005-5-23. Retrieved on November 15, 2014.
  76. ↑ University of Alaska Fairbanks (UAF) :Reindeer … Caribou … What’s the Difference?
  77. ↑ M. A. Cronin, L. Renecker, B. J. Pierson, and J. C. Patton (1995), "Genetic variation in domestic reindeer and wild caribou in Alaska". Animal Genetics 26 (6): 427-34, December 1995
  78. ↑ Marian Romano and Melanie Trost (2003), Mt. McKinley Meat & Sausage Company, Review & Recommendations, final report, State of Alaska, Department of Natural Resources, Division of Agriculture. December 1, 2003.
  79. ↑ University of Alaska Fairbanks (UAF) :Traditional Uses of Reindeer
  80. ↑ "Muskox, (Ovibos moschatus) US Fish & Wildlife Service". Fws.gov. Retrieved 2011-11-09.
  81. ↑ Chuck Eisenhower, Nunivak musk ox with bow and arrow
  82. ↑ Michael W. Coffing, Louis Brown, Gretchen Jennings and Charles J. Utermohle (2001), The Subsistence Harvest and Use of Wild Resources in Akiachak, Alaska, 1998. Technical Paper No. 258, Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence, Juneau, Alaska, November, 2001
  83. ↑ Robert Wheeler and Claire Alix (2004), Economic and cultural significance of driftwood in coastal communities of Southwest Alaska.
  84. 1 2 3 Leslie A. Viereck and Elbert L. Little, Jr. (1975) , Atlas of United States Trees, Volume 2. Alaska Trees and Common Shrubs, United States Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Miscellaneous Publication no. 1293, Washington, D.C., March 1975
  85. 1 2 A Guide to the Ethnobotany of the Yukon-Kuskokwim Region. Alaska Native Language Center
  86. ↑ Robert D. rnold (1978), Alaska Native Land Claims. The Alaska Native Foundation, Anchorage, Alaska. 2nd edition.
  87. ↑ Jessica Kantarovich (2012), The linguistic legacy of Russians in Alaska: Russian contact and linguistic variation in Alaska, with special attention to Ninilchik Russian.
  88. ↑ Janet Schichnes and Molly Chythlook (1991), Contemporary use of fish and wildlife in Ekwok, Koliganek, and New Stuyahok, Alaska. Technical Paper No. 185, Alaska Department of Fish and Game Division of Subsistence, Juneau, Alaska, October, 1991
  89. ↑ David A Peterson (1991), Russian loan words in Central Alaskan Yup'ik. Fairbanks, Alaska, April 1991.
  90. ↑ Chad L. Thompson (1980), Russian loan words in Alaska Native languages. Unpublished. Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center.
  91. ↑ Louis L. Hammerich (1954), "The Russian stratum in Alaskan Eskimo". Slavic Word 10(4): 402-528.
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